{"id":1499,"date":"2026-04-04T09:09:37","date_gmt":"2026-04-04T09:09:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ehlendergisi.com\/?p=1499"},"modified":"2026-04-04T09:09:43","modified_gmt":"2026-04-04T09:09:43","slug":"syria-in-the-throes-of-transition-anti-corruption-between-institutionalized-accountability-and-the-rebirth-of-centralization","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"http:\/\/ehlendergisi.com\/index.php\/2026\/04\/04\/syria-in-the-throes-of-transition-anti-corruption-between-institutionalized-accountability-and-the-rebirth-of-centralization\/","title":{"rendered":"Syria in the Throes of Transition: Anti-Corruption Between Institutionalized Accountability and the Rebirth of Centralization"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Jack Jabbour<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

(A comparative study based on an article by economic researcher Marco Olabi \u2013 Syria in Figures)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The fall of the Assad regime in late 2024 was more than a fleeting political shift; it signaled a direct confrontation with a legacy of decades-long structural corruption that had permeated every fiber of the Syrian state, particularly intensifying during the years of war. Today, the anti-corruption agenda<\/strong> has moved to the forefront of the transitional agenda\u2014not as a political luxury, but as an urgent economic necessity to recover looted assets and restore shattered public trust. However, a close reading of the steps taken reveals a complex landscape oscillating between a genuine desire for radical reform and the risk of sliding back into a new authoritarian model cloaked in a fa\u00e7ade of integrity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

The “Personalization” of Oversight<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A review of the new organizational structure for oversight bodies reveals a fundamental shift that is both alarming and questionable. There is a clear “personalization” of these institutions, as they have been tied directly to the presidency<\/strong>. With the exception of the “Anti-Money Laundering and Counter-Terrorism Financing Commission,” all primary oversight arms now report their findings and decisions directly to the top of the executive pyramid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Even the Central Organization for Control and Inspection, which was theoretically supposed to maintain a link with the legislative branch (the People\u2019s Assembly), now finds itself practically subordinate to the Presidency. This is a direct consequence of the absence of a genuine, independent parliament capable of acting as a “monitor of monitors.” The current Syrian parliament\u2014elected in a perfunctory manner on October 5, 2025\u2014fails to meet even the standards of the rubber-stamp assemblies of the Bashar al-Assad era<\/strong>. This extreme centralization poses a major dilemma: is this structure intended to expedite accountability during a sensitive phase, or is it laying the foundation for a governance model that concentrates all levers of power and data in the hands of a single authority<\/strong>? Such a path risks turning “anti-corruption” into a political tool for selective purging rather than a comprehensive institutional process.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pragmatism or Political Levy?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The months following the political transition saw unprecedented investigative activity; thousands of cases were opened, and hundreds of files were referred to the judiciary. Yet, the defining feature of this process has not been traditional public trials. Instead, “financial settlements” have emerged as a pragmatic tool for asset recovery. However, a critical question remains: where does this money go? It is certainly not flowing into the public treasury.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Central Financial Control and the Illicit Enrichment Committee have played pivotal roles in this context, announcing the recovery of assets valued at hundreds of millions of dollars through reconciliation deals with prominent economic figures and entities. While these funds could theoretically revive an exhausted treasury, profound ambiguity persists regarding the mechanisms for asset valuation, the negotiation process, and most importantly, the ultimate destination and redistribution of these funds. The lack of transparency in this opaque settlement process<\/strong> transforms what should be an act of transitional justice into something akin to “political levies” that lack full legal legitimacy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Dilemma of Decree No. 13: Law vs. Reality<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The “Illicit Enrichment Committee,” established by Presidential Decree No. 13 of 2025, embodies the contradiction between legal text and practical application. De jure (by law), the decree limits the committee\u2019s jurisdiction to public officials and civil or military employees whose wealth has grown unlawfully.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

De facto (in practice), however, the focus has primarily been on private-sector businessmen who served as the financial arms of the former regime. This discrepancy opens a Pandora\u2019s box of legal debate: does the committee have the mandate to expand its jurisdiction to the private sector based on “flexible interpretations”? Or could relying on such a shaky legal foundation lead to future challenges regarding the legitimacy of all recovered assets? Anti-corruption efforts that bypass established legal frameworks risk losing credibility before the international community and the investors Syria desperately seeks to attract.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Reactive Firefighting vs. Proactive Prevention<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A core element overlooked in the current movement is “prevention.” The institutional framework for anti-money laundering and counter-terrorism financing remains incomplete and ineffective. Consequently, the new Syrian state is still playing the role of a “firefighter” chasing blazes after they break out\u2014addressing corruption only after it occurs\u2014rather than building a system that prevents corrupt hubs from forming in the first place through digital transparency, judicial independence, and the liberalization of financial data.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Conclusion: Syria at the Crossroads<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Syria today is not merely fighting a battle against “corrupt individuals”; it is fighting a battle to build a “system of integrity.” Persisting with the current approach of excessive centralization and opaque settlements may yield quick financial gains, but it risks reproducing an autocratic system under the banner of “reform.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The choice before the new authorities is clear: either a transition toward genuine institutionalization\u2014by separating powers and empowering the judiciary, parliament, and civil society\u2014or remaining in a vicious cycle where anti-corruption is used as a tool to concentrate power and settle accounts. Real success is not measured by the millions recovered, but by the level of trust the Syrian citizen places in their institutions and the extent to which the law stands above all, without exception.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Jack Jabbour (A comparative study based on an article by economic researcher Marco Olabi \u2013 Syria in Figures) The fall of the Assad regime in late 2024 was more than a fleeting political shift; it signaled a direct confrontation with a legacy of decades-long structural corruption that had permeated every fiber of the Syrian state, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1500,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"tdm_status":"","tdm_grid_status":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[12],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-1499","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-english"},"yoast_head":"\nSyria in the Throes of Transition: Anti-Corruption Between Institutionalized Accountability and the Rebirth of Centralization - ehlen<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Syria in the Throes of Transition: Anti-Corruption Between 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